Paul Revere – Spies


Paul Revere (ər; December 21, 1734 O.S.{spaced ndash}May 10, 1818){#tag:ref|Revere’s date of birth is confused by the conversion between the Julian and Gregorian calendars, which offsets the date by 11 days, and by the fact that only his baptism, not his actual birth was recorded. While his baptism was recorded on December 22, adjusting for the conversion between Julian and Gregorian calendars changes the date to January 1.{{sfn|Gill|1891|pp=10–11}{sfn|Fischer|1994|p=297}|group=N}} was an American silversmith, early industrialist, and a patriot in the American Revolution. He is most famous for alerting the Colonial militia to the approach of British forces before the battles of Lexington and Concord, as dramatized in Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s poem, “Paul Revere’s Ride.”

Revere was a prosperous and prominent Boston silversmith, who helped organize an intelligence and alarm system to keep watch on the British military. Revere later served as a Massachusetts militia officer, though his service culminated after the Penobscot Expedition, one of the most disastrous campaigns of the American Revolutionary War, for which he was absolved of blame. Following the war, Revere returned to his silversmith trade and used the profits from his expanding business to finance his work in iron casting, bronze bell and cannon casting, and the forging of copper bolts and spikes. Finally in 1800 he became the first American to successfully roll copper into sheets for use as sheathing on naval vessels.

==Early years==

Paul Revere was born in the North End of Boston on December 21, 1734, according to the Old Style calendar then in use, or January 1, 1735, in the modern calendar.{sfn|Triber|1998|p=7} His father, a French Huguenot born Apollos Rivoire, came to Boston at the age of 13 and was apprenticed to the silversmith John Coney.{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=7–9} By the time he married Deborah Hitchborn, a member of a long-standing Boston family that owned a small shipping wharf, in 1729, Rivoire had anglicized his name to Paul Revere. Their son, Paul Revere, was the third of 12 children and eventually the eldest surviving son.{sfn|Fischer|1994|p=297} Revere grew up in the environment of the extended Hitchborn family, and never learned his father’s native language.{sfn|Fischer|1994|p=9} At 13 he left school and became an apprentice to his father. The silversmith trade afforded him connections with a cross-section of Boston society, which would serve him well when he became active in the American Revolution.{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=14–16} As for religion, although his father attended Puritan services, Revere was drawn to the Church of England.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=21} Revere eventually began attending the services of the political and provocative Jonathan Mayhew at the West Church.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=21} His father did not approve, and as a result father and son came to blows on one occasion. Revere relented and returned to his father’s church, although he did become friends with Mayhew, and returned to the West Church in the late 1760s.{sfn|Miller|2010|pp=25, 103}

Revere’s father died in 1754, when Paul was legally too young to officially be the master of the family silver shop.{sfn|Triber|1998|p=21} In February 1756, during the French and Indian War (the North American theater of the Seven Years’ War), he enlisted in the provincial army. Possibly he made this decision because of the weak economy, since army service promised consistent pay.{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=21–22} Commissioned a second lieutenant in a provincial artillery regiment, he spent the summer at Fort William Henry at the southern end of Lake George in New York as part of an abortive plan for the capture of Fort St. Frédéric. He did not stay long in the army, but returned to Boston and assumed control of the silver shop in his own name. On August 4, 1757, he married Sarah Orne (1736–1773); their first child was born eight months later.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=33} He and Sarah had eight children, but two died young, and only one, Mary, survived her father.{sfn|Fischer|1994|pp=15, 297}

==1765–1774: the gathering storm of revolution==

Revere’s business began to suffer when the British economy entered a recession in the years following the Seven Years’ War, and declined further when the Stamp Act of 1765 resulted in a further downturn in the Massachusetts economy.{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=38–43} Business was so poor that an attempt was made to attach his property in late 1765.{sfn|Fischer|1998|p=20} To help make ends meet he even took up dentistry, a skill set he was taught by a practicing surgeon who lodged at a friend’s house.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=104} One client was Doctor Joseph Warren, a local physician and political opposition leader with whom Revere formed a close friendship.{sfn|Martello|2010|p=55}{sfn|Triber|1998|p=117} Revere and Warren, in addition to having common political views, were also both active in the same local Masonic lodges.{sfn|Triber|1998|p=67}

Although Revere was not one of the “Loyal Nine”—organizers of the earliest protests against the Stamp Act—he was well connected with its members, who were laborers and artisans.{sfn|Triber|1998|p=43} Revere did not participate in some of the more raucous protests, such as the attack on the home of Lieutenant Governor Thomas Hutchinson.{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=46–47} In 1765, a group of militants who would become known as the “Sons of Liberty” formed, which Revere was a member of.{sfn|Goss|1891|pp=1:112–115}{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=36, 42} From 1765 on, in support of the dissident cause, he produced engravings and other artifacts with political themes. Among these engravings are a depiction of the arrival of British troops in 1768 (which he termed “an insolent parade”) and a famous depiction of the March 1770 Boston Massacre (see illustration). Although the latter was engraved by Revere and he included the inscription, “Engraved, Printed, & Sold by Paul Revere Boston”, it was modeled on a drawing by Henry Pelham, and Revere’s engraving of the drawing was colored by a third man and printed by a fourth.{sfn|Fischer|1994|p=22} Revere also produced a bowl commemorating the Massachusetts assembly’s refusal to retract the Massachusetts Circular Letter. (This letter, adopted in response to the 1767 Townshend Acts, called for united colonial action against the acts. King George III had issued a demand for its retraction.){sfn|Fischer|1994|p=22}

In 1770 Revere purchased a house on North Square in Boston’s North End. Now a museum, the house provided space for his growing family while he continued to maintain his shop at nearby Clark’s Wharf.{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=71–72} Sarah died in 1773, and on October 10 of that year Revere married Rachel Walker (1745–1813). They had eight children, three of whom died young.{sfn|Forbes|1999|pp=485–487}

In November 1773 the merchant ship Dartmouth arrived in Boston harbor carrying the first shipment of tea made under the terms of the Tea Act.{sfn|Goss|1891|p=1:119} This act authorized the British East India Company to ship tea (of which it had huge surpluses due to colonial boycotts organized in response to the Townshend Acts) directly to the colonies, bypassing colonial merchants. Passage of the act prompted calls for renewed protests against the tea shipments, on which Townshend duties were still levied.{sfn|Alexander||p=120} Revere and Warren, as members of the informal “North End Caucus”, organized a watch over the Dartmouth to prevent the unloading of the tea. Revere took his turns on guard duty,{sfn|Miller|2010|p=163} and was one of the ringleaders in the Boston Tea Party of December 16, when colonists (some disguised as Indians) dumped tea from the Dartmouth and two other ships into the harbor.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=165}

From December 1773 to November 1775, Revere served as a courier for the Boston Committee of Public Safety, traveling to New York and Philadelphia to report on the political unrest in Boston. Research has documented 18 such rides. Notice of some of them was published in Massachusetts newspapers, and British authorities received further intelligence of them from Loyalist Americans.{sfn|Fischer|1994|pp=27; 54; Appendix C} In 1774, his cousin John on the island of Guernsey wrote to Paul that John had seen reports of Paul’s role as an “express” (courier) in London newspapers.{sfn|Triber|1998|p=101}

In 1774, the military governor of Massachusetts, General Thomas Gage, dissolved the provincial assembly on orders from Britain. Governor Gage also closed the port of Boston and all over the city forced private citizens to quarter (provide lodging for) soldiers in their homes.{#tag:ref|Forcing private citizens to quarter soldiers in their homes would be one of the grievances enumerated in the United States Declaration of Independence—[The King] “has combined with others to subject us to a Jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our Laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation: For quartering large Bodies of Armed Troops among us:…”—and the framers of the United States Constitution restricted the practice in Article III of the Bill of Rights.{{citation needed|date=January 2013}|group=N}}

During this time, Revere and a group of 30 “mechanics” began meeting in secret at his favorite haunt, the Green Dragon, to coordinate the gathering and dissemination of intelligence by “watching the Movements of British Soldiers”.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=181} Around this time Revere regularly contributed politically charged engravings to the recently founded Patriot monthly, Royal American Magazine.{sfn|Goss|1891|pp=1:83–100}

He rode to Portsmouth, New Hampshire in December 1774 upon rumors of an impending landing of British troops there, a journey known in history as the Portsmouth Alarm. Although the rumors were false, his ride sparked a rebel success by provoking locals to raid Fort William and Mary, defended by just six soldiers, for its gunpowder supply.{sfn|Fischer|1994|pp=52–57}

==”Midnight Ride”==

When British Army activity on April 7, 1775, suggested the possibility of troop movements, Joseph Warren sent Revere to warn the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, then sitting in Concord, the site of one of the larger caches of Patriot military supplies. After receiving the warning, Concord residents began moving the military supplies away from the town.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=186}

One week later, on April 14, General Gage received instructions from Secretary of State William Legge, Earl of Dartmouth (dispatched on January 27), to disarm the rebels, who were known to have hidden weapons in Concord, among other locations, and to imprison the rebellion’s leaders, especially Samuel Adams and John Hancock. Dartmouth gave Gage considerable discretion in his commands.{sfn|Fischer|1994|pp=75–76}{sfn|Brooks|1999|pp=37–38} Gage issued orders to Lieutenant Colonel Francis Smith to proceed from Boston “with utmost expedition and secrecy to Concord, where you will seize and destroy… all Military stores…. But you will take care that the soldiers do not plunder the inhabitants or hurt private property.” Gage did not issue written orders for the arrest of rebel leaders, as he feared doing so might spark an uprising.{sfn|Fischer|1994|p=85}

Between 9 and 10 p.m. on the night of April 18, 1775, Joseph Warren told Revere and William Dawes that the king’s troops were about to embark in boats from Boston bound for Cambridge and the road to Lexington and Concord. Warren’s intelligence suggested that the most likely objectives of the regulars’ movements later that night would be the capture of Adams and Hancock. They did not worry about the possibility of regulars marching to Concord, since the supplies at Concord were safe, but they did think their leaders in Lexington were unaware of the potential danger that night. Revere and Dawes were sent out to warn them and to alert colonial militias in nearby towns.{sfn|Brooks|1999|pp=41–42}{sfn|Boatner|1975|p=622}

In the days before April 18, Revere had instructed Robert Newman, the sexton of the North Church, to send a signal by lantern to alert colonists in Charlestown as to the movements of the troops when the information became known. In what is well known today by the phrase “one if by land, two if by sea”, one lantern in the steeple would signal the army’s choice of the land route while two lanterns would signal the route “by water” across the Charles River.{sfn|Fischer|1994|p=99} Revere first gave instructions to send the signal to Charlestown. He then crossed the Charles River by rowboat, slipping past the British warship HMS Somerset at anchor. Crossings were banned at that hour, but Revere safely landed in Charlestown and rode to Lexington, avoiding a British patrol and later warning almost every house along the route. The Charlestown colonists dispatched additional riders to the north.{sfn|Boatner|1975|p=622}{sfn|Brooks|1999|pp=42–44}

Riding through present-day Somerville, Medford, and Arlington, Revere warned patriots along his route, many of whom set out on horseback to deliver warnings of their own. By the end of the night there were probably as many as 40 riders throughout Middlesex County carrying the news of the army’s advance. Revere did not shout the phrase later attributed to him (“The British are coming!”): His mission depended on secrecy, the countryside was filled with British army patrols, and most of the Massachusetts colonists (who were predominantly English in ethnic origin) still considered themselves British.{sfn|Fischer|1994|p=110}{sfn|McDonald|McDonald|1980|p=180} Revere’s warning, according to eyewitness accounts of the ride and Revere’s own descriptions, was “The Regulars are coming out.”{sfn|Revere|1961} Revere arrived in Lexington around midnight, with Dawes arriving about a half hour later. They met with Samuel Adams and John Hancock, who were spending the night with Hancock’s relatives (in what is now called the Hancock-Clarke House), and they spent a great deal of time discussing plans of action upon receiving the news. They believed that the forces leaving the city were too large for the sole task of arresting two men and that Concord was the main target.{sfn|Brooks|1999|p=50} The Lexington men dispatched riders to the surrounding towns, and Revere and Dawes continued along the road to Concord accompanied by Samuel Prescott, a doctor who happened to be in Lexington “returning from a lady friend’s house at the awkward hour of 1 a.m.”{sfn|Boatner|1975|p=622}{sfn|Murrin|2002|p=205}

Revere, Dawes, and Prescott were detained by a British Army patrol in Lincoln at a roadblock on the way to Concord.{sfn|Boatner|1975|p=622} Prescott jumped his horse over a wall and escaped into the woods; he eventually reached Concord. Dawes also escaped, though he fell off his horse not long after and did not complete the ride.{sfn|Fischer|1994|pp=131–132, 144}

Revere was captured and questioned by the British soldiers at gunpoint. He told them of the army’s movement from Boston, and that British army troops would be in some danger if they approached Lexington, because of the large number of hostile militia gathered there. He and other captives taken by the patrol were still escorted east toward Lexington, until about a half mile from Lexington they heard a gunshot. The British major demanded Revere explain the gunfire, and Revere replied it was a signal to “alarm the country”. As the group drew closer to Lexington, the town bell began to clang rapidly, upon which one of the captives proclaimed to the British soldiers “The bell’s a’ringing! The town’s alarmed, and you’re all dead men!”{sfn|Fischer|1994|p=136} The British soldiers gathered and decided not to press further towards Lexington but instead to free the prisoners and head back to warn their commanders.{sfn|Fischer|1994|pp=133–136, 142–148} The British confiscated Revere’s horse and rode off to warn the approaching army column. Revere walked to Rev. Jonas Clarke’s house, where Hancock and Adams were staying. As the battle on Lexington Green unfolded, Revere assisted Hancock and his family in their escape from Lexington, helping to carry a trunk of Hancock’s papers.{sfn|Miller|2010|pp=198–200}

The ride of the three men triggered a flexible system of “alarm and muster” that had been carefully developed months before, in reaction to the colonists’ impotent response to the Powder Alarm of September 1774. This system was an improved version of an old network of widespread notification and fast deployment of local militia forces in times of emergency. The colonists had periodically used this system all the way back to the early years of Indian wars in the colony, before it fell into disuse in the French and Indian War. In addition to other express riders delivering messages, bells, drums, alarm guns, bonfires, and a trumpet were used for rapid communication from town to town, notifying the rebels in dozens of eastern Massachusetts villages that they should muster their militias because the regulars in numbers greater than 500 were leaving Boston with possible hostile intentions. This system was so effective that people in towns {convert|25|mi|km} from Boston were aware of the army’s movements while they were still unloading boats in Cambridge.{sfn|Fischer|1994|pp=138–145} Unlike in the Powder Alarm, the alarm raised by the three riders successfully allowed the militia to confront the British troops in Concord, and then harry them all the way back to Boston.{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=103–111}

==War years==

Because Boston was besieged after the battles of Lexington and Concord, Revere could not return to the city, which was now firmly in British hands. He boarded in Watertown, where he was eventually joined by Rachel and most of his children (Paul Jr., then 15, remained in Boston to mind the family properties).{sfn|Triber|1998|p=115} After he was denied a commission in the Continental Army, he tried to find other ways to be useful to the rebel cause. He was retained by the provincial congress as a courier, and he printed local currency which the congress used to pay the troops around Boston.{sfn|Miller|2010|pp=201–208}

Since there was a desperate shortage of gunpowder, the provincial congress decided in November 1775 to send him to Philadelphia to study the working of the only powder mill in the colonies, in the hopes that he might be able to build a second one in Massachusetts. Revere called on the mill’s owner, Oswald Eve, armed with a letter from Continental Congressmen Robert Morris and John Dickinson asking Eve to “Chearfully & from Public Spirited Motives give Mr. Revere such information as will inable him to Conduct the business on his return home.”{sfn|Martello|2010|p=62}{sfn|Gettemy|1905|p=169} Eve showed Revere around the mill, but refused to give him detailed drawings unless he was first paid a substantial bribe. Despite this chilly reception, Revere was able to discern useful information from the visit. He also acquired, through the work of Samuel Adams, plans for another powder mill. This information enabled Revere to set up a powder mill at Stoughton (present-day Canton).{sfn|Martello|2010|p=62}{sfn|Triber|1998|p=148} The mill produced tons of gunpowder for the Patriot cause.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=214}

Revere’s friend and compatriot Joseph Warren was killed in the Battle of Bunker Hill on June 17, 1775.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=208} Because soldiers killed in battle were often buried in mass graves without ceremony, Warren’s grave was unmarked. On March 21, 1776, several days after the British army left Boston, Revere, Warren’s brothers, and a few friends went to the battlefield and found a grave containing two bodies.{sfn|Ketchum|1999|p=195} After being buried for nine months, Warren’s face was unrecognizable, but Revere was able to identify Warren’s body because he had placed a false tooth in Warren’s mouth, and recognized the wire he had used for fastening it. Warren was given a proper funeral and reburied in a marked grave.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=215}

===Militia service===

Upon returning to Boston in 1776, Revere was commissioned a major of infantry in the Massachusetts militia in that April, and transferred to the artillery a month later.{sfn|Martello|2010|p=80} In November he was promoted to lieutenant colonel, and was stationed at Castle William, defending Boston harbor. He was generally second or third in the chain of command, and on several occasions he was given command of the fort.{sfn|Martello|2010|p=80} He applied his engineering skills to maintaining the fort’s armaments, even designing and building a caliper to accurately measure cannon balls and cannon bore holes.{sfn|Martello|2010|p=80} The service at Castle William was relatively isolated, and personality friction prompted some men to file complaints against Revere.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=217} The boredom was alleviated in late August 1777 when Revere was sent with a troop of soldiers to escort prisoners taken in the Battle of Bennington to Boston, where they were confined on board prison ships,{sfn|Gettemy|1906|pp=148–151}{sfn|Drake|1899|p=128} and again in September when he was briefly deployed to Rhode Island.{sfn|Gettemy|1906|pp=152–153}

In August 1778 Revere’s regiment served in a combined Franco-American expedition whose objective was to capture the British base at Newport, Rhode Island.{sfn|Forbes|1999|p=343} His regiment was responsible for erecting and maintaining artillery batteries on Aquidneck Island.{sfn|Triber|1998|p=132} The attempt was abandoned by the French when their fleet was scattered in a storm, and Revere’s regiment returned to Boston before the British sortied from Newport to force the Battle of Rhode Island.{sfn|Triber|1998|p=133}

===Penobscot disaster===

The British in June 1779 established a new base on Penobscot Bay in present-day Maine (which was then part of Massachusetts).{sfn|Miller|2010|p=220} Massachusetts authorities called out the militia, pressed into service available shipping, and organized a major expedition to dislodge the British.{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=134–135} The expedition was a complete fiasco: its land and naval commanders squabbled over control of the expedition, and could not agree on strategy or tactics. The arrival of British reinforcements led to the destruction of the entire Massachusetts fleet.{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=135–136} Revere commanded the artillery units for the expedition, and was responsible for organizing the artillery train.{sfn|Miller|2010|pp=224–225} He participated in the taking of Bank’s Island, from which artillery batteries could reach the British ships anchored before Fort George. He next oversaw the transport of the guns from Bank’s Island to a new position on the heights of the Bagaduce Peninsula that commanded the fort.{sfn|Miller|2010|p=229} Although Revere was in favor of storming the fort, Brigadier General Solomon Lovell opted for a siege instead. After further disagreements on how to proceed between Lovell and fleet commander Dudley Saltonstall, Lovell decided to return to the transports on August 12, a decision supported by Revere.{sfn|Triber|1998|p=136}

Late the next day British sails were spotted. A mad scramble ensued, and on the 14th the fleet was in retreat heading up the Penobscot River. Revere and his men were put ashore with their stores, and their transports destroyed. At one point Brigadier General Peleg Wadsworth ordered Revere to send his barge in an attempt to recover a ship drifting toward the enemy position. Revere at first resisted, but eventually complied, and Wadsworth told him to expect formal charges over the affair.{sfn|Miller|2010|pp=234–236} The incident separated Revere from his men. Moving overland, he eventually managed to regroup most of his troops, and returned to Boston on August 26. A variety of charges were made against Revere, some of which were exaggerated assignments of blame{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=136–138} made by enemies he had made in his command at Castle William. The initial hearings on the matter in September 1779 were inconclusive, but he was asked to resign his post.{sfn|Triber|1998|pp=136–138} He repeatedly sought a full court martial to clear his name, but it was not until February 1782 that a court martial heard the issue, exonerating him.{sfn|Miller|2010|pp=238–239}{sfn|Triber|1998|p=139}

===Business and social connections===

During the Revolutionary War, Revere continued his efforts to move upwards in society into the gentry. After his failed efforts to become a military officer he attempted to become a merchant, but was hindered by a number of factors: while he was a fairly well-off member of the artisan class, he did not have the resources to afford the goods he would have sold as a merchant, nor were lenders in England willing to lend him the required startup capital. Other American merchants of the time collaborated with colleagues in England. However, Revere’s inexperience as a merchant meant that he had not yet established such relationships and was not able to communicate as effectively on unfamiliar matters. Another factor preventing Revere’s success as a merchant was the economic climate of the time period after the war known as the Critical Period; while the colonies had seen a time of economic growth before the war, the colonies experienced a severe post-war depression, constraining the overall success of his business.{sfn|Martello|2010|p=94}

While Revere struggled as a merchant, his success as a silversmith enabled him to pursue and leverage more advanced technological developments for the purposes of mass production. For example, rolling mills greatly improved the productivity of his silver shop and enabled his business to move further away from manufacturing high-end customized products in order to focus instead on the production of a more standardized set of goods.{sfn|Martello|2010|pp=107–110} In the 18th century, the standard of living continuously improved in America, as genteel goods became increasingly available to the masses.{sfn|Federhen|2010|p=153} Revere responded particularly well to this trend because his business was not solely manufacturing custom, high end purchases. Smaller products like teaspoons and buckles accounted for the majority of his work, allowing him to build a broad customer base.{sfn|Federhen|2010|p=154}

Revere’s increased efficiency left financial and human resources available for the exploration of other products, which was essential to overcoming the fluctuating post-war economic climate.{sfn|Falino|2001|p=77} In addition to increasing production, the flatting mill enabled Revere to move towards a more managerial position.{sfn|Martello|2010|pp=111–114}

==Later years: entrepreneurship, manufacturing, and politics==

After the war, Revere became interested in metal work beyond gold and silver. By 1788 he had invested some of the profits from his growing silverworking trade to construct a large furnace, which would allow him to work with larger quantities of metals at higher temperatures. He soon opened an iron foundry in Boston’s North End that produced utilitarian cast iron items such as stove backs, fireplace tools, and window weights, marketed to a broad segment of Boston’s population. {sfn|Martello|2010|pp=151–155} Many of Revere’s business practices changed when he expanded his practice into ironworking, because he transitioned from just being an artisan to also being an entrepreneur and a manager. In order to make this transition successfully, Revere had to invest substantial quantities of investment capital and time in his foundry.{sfn|Martello|2010|p=137}

===Technological practices===

The quasi-industrialization of his practice set Revere apart from his competition. “Revere’s rapid foundry success resulted from fortuitous timing, innate technical aptitude, thorough research, and the casting experience he gained from silverworking.”{sfn|Martello|2010|p=154} This technical proficiency allowed Revere to optimize his work and adapt to a new technological and entrepreneurial model. Revere’s location also benefited his endeavors. Revere was entering the field of iron casting in a time when New England cities were becoming centers of industry. The nature of technological advancement was such that many skilled entrepreneurs in a number of fields worked together, in what is known by Nathan Rosenberg as “technological convergence”, by which a number of companies work together on challenges in order to spur advances.{sfn|Martello|2010|p=252} By accessing the knowledge of other nearby metal workers, Revere was able to successfully explore and master new technologies throughout his career.

===Labor practices===

One of the biggest changes for Revere in his new business was organization of labor. In his earlier days, Revere primarily utilized the apprenticeship model standard for artisan shops at this time, but as his business expanded he hired employees (wage laborers) to work for his foundry. Many manufacturers of the era found this transition from master to employer difficult because many employees at the onset of the Industrial Revolution identified themselves as skilled workers, and thus wanted to be treated with the respect and autonomy accorded to artisans. An artisan himself, Revere managed to avoid many of these labor conflicts by adopting a system of employment that still held trappings of the craft system in the form of worker freedoms such as work hour flexibility, wages in line with skill levels, and liquor on the job.{sfn|Martello|2010|pp=276, 146}

===Manufacturing: church bells, cannon, and copper products===

After mastering the iron casting process and realizing substantial profits from this new product line, Revere identified a burgeoning market for church bells in the religious revival known as the Second Great Awakening that followed the war. Beginning in 1792 he became one of America’s best-known bell casters, working with sons Paul Jr. and Joseph Warren Revere in the firm Paul Revere & Sons. This firm cast the first bell made in Boston and ultimately produced hundreds of bells, a number of which remain in operation to this day.{sfn|Martello|2010|pp=168-171}

In 1794, Revere decided to take the next step in the evolution of his business, expanding his bronze casting work by learning to cast cannon for the federal government, state governments, and private clients. Although the government often had trouble paying him on time, its large orders inspired him to deepen his contracting and seek additional product lines of interest to the military.{sfn|Martello|2010|pp=179–184}

By 1795, a growing percentage of his foundry’s business came from a new product, copper bolts, spikes, and other fittings that he sold to merchants and the Boston naval yard for ship construction. In 1801, Revere became a pioneer in the production of rolled copper, opening North America’s first copper mill south of Boston in Canton. Copper from the Revere Copper Company was used to cover the original wooden dome of the Massachusetts State House in 1802. His copper and brass works eventually grew, through sale and corporate merger, into a large corporation, Revere Copper and Brass, Inc.{sfn|Martello|2010|pp=331–332}

===Steps towards standardized production===

During his earlier days as an artisan, especially when working with silver products, Revere produced “bespoke” or customized goods. As he shifted to ironworking, he found the need to produce more standardized products, because this made production cheaper.{sfn|Martello|2010|p=155} To achieve the beginnings of standardization, Revere used identical molds for casting, especially in the fabrication of mass-produced items such as stoves, ovens, frames, and chimney backs.{sfn|Martello|2010|p=141} However, Revere did not totally embrace uniform production. For example, his bells and cannons were all unique products: these large objects required extensive fine-tuning and customization, and the small number of bells and cannon minimized the potential benefits of standardizing them.{sfn|Martello|2010|p=301} In addition, even the products that he made in large quantities could not be truly standardized due to technological and skill limitations. His products were rarely (if ever) identical, but his processes were well systematized. “He came to realize that the foundry oven melded the characteristics of tools and machines: it required skilled labor and could be used in a flexible manner to produce different products, but an expert could produce consistent output by following a standard set of production practices.”{sfn|Martello|2010|p=154}

===Politics and final years===

Revere remained politically active